A Word About Ryoma, JFK and Hemingway

Sakamoto Ryoma was assassinated in the Eleventh Month of the Japanese year that corresponds to 1867. John F. Kennedy was assassinated about ninety-six years later, on November 22, 1963. With this in mind, I quote from the Forward to my Samurai Tales:

As a young boy in Los Angeles during the Cuban Missile Crisis, I was overcome with fear by talk at the family dinner table that at any time we all might be blown to smithereens, that Doomsday was just a heartbeat away. As I cried, my parents quoted Shakespeare: “Cowards die many times before their deaths; /The valiant never taste of death but once.” And while those words still ring true, I do not believe that the measure of true courage—moral courage—is limited to the overcoming of fear or even a resolve to die, whether on the field of battle or in mundane everyday life.

In Profiles in Courage, John F. Kennedy called courage “the most admirable of human virtues.” He quoted Ernest Hemingway’s definition of courage as “Grace under pressure.” Kennedy’s life and presidency were shining examples of that grace—but for JFK it was not enough. He embellished upon Hemingway’s definition, asserting that courage is an unyielding determination to accomplish one’s convictions, regardless of consequence to reputation, career, possessions, body, or indeed life—and usually in defiance of dangerous adversary. [end quote]

In A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. included, on the page before the Foreword, the following famous passage from Hemingway’s A Farewell to Arms:

“If people bring so much courage to this world the world has to kill them to break them, so of course it kills them. The world breaks every one and afterward many are strong at the broken places. But those that will not break it kills. It kills the very good and the very gentle and the very brave impartially.”Schlesinger included this passage for its relevance to JFK’s life and death. But, as anyone who has studied the life and death of Sakamoto Ryoma will readily understand, these words of Hemingway also apply to Ryoma as well.

坂本龍馬とジョン・F・ケネディ

「勇気のある2人」

ケネディは上院議員となった3年後の1956年に8名の上院議員たちの伝記と自分の政治家としての信念をつづった「勇気ある人々」(Profiles In Courage)を出版した。その第一章の書き出しに「勇気」を“the most admirable of human virtues”とし、ヘミングウェイが「勇気」を「重圧のもとでの気高さ」と定義していたことを述べた。戦争の英雄でもあり、英雄大統領ともされるケネディの人生そのものは「重圧のもとでの気高さ」の立派な手本であった。でもケネディにとっては「重圧のもとでの気高さ」だけでは満足できず、ヘミングウェイの勇気の定義にもうひとつ付け加えた。「勇気」とは政治家としての名望や職にどんな悪影響が与えられても、自分の財産や身体と命にどんな危険があっても、どんな強い適が前に立っても、自分の信念を果たす断固たる決意にある、とケネディは主張した。

「世に多くの勇気をもってくるなら、この世は彼らを打ちのめすために彼らを殺さなければならない。それで、もちろん、この世は彼らを殺してしまう。この世はすべての人を打ちのめす。そうなると多くの者は打ちのめされた箇所で強くなる。だが、打ちのめされようとしないものは、この世が殺す。それは、善いもの、やさしいもの、勇敢なものを、わけへだてなく、殺す。」(ヘミングウェイ「武器よさらば」高村勝治訳, グーテンベルク21, 1971年)

上記のヘミングウェイの言葉はアーサー・M・シュレジンジャーが「ケネディ――栄光と苦悩の一千日」の前書きの前のページに引用した。ジョン・F・ケネディに相当する言葉だが、もう1人の大人物に も相当する言葉だと私は思う。それは坂本龍馬である。

 

Katsu Kaishū and Sakamoto Ryōma: A Meeting of the Minds

[How I wish I could have been present during their first meeting. Here is a slightly edited excerpt (without footnotes) from Samurai Revolution: Chapter 11 (The Commissioner and the Outlaw).]

Ryōma first visited Katsu Kaishū some time between the Tenth and Twelfth Months [of Bunkyū 2, Japanese year corresponding to 1862), though the date is unclear. In light of Ryōma’s Loyalist background and his antiforeign leanings, and the fact that he was outwardly anti-Bakufu, it is not unreasonable to assume that he might have visited Kaishū’s home with blood in his eyes. “Sakamoto Ryōma came to kill me,” Kaishū would say in a newspaper interview years later, on April 3, 1896. But Kaishū tended, on occasion, to exaggerate and embellish upon his past exploits—and, I contend, that tendency was at work during that particular newspaper interview. In fact, it is hard to believe that Ryōma intended to kill him. Ryōma, who hated bloodshed, is believed to have killed only once, and that in self-defense a few years later. Furthermore, with his naval aspirations, Ryōma stood to benefit through amicable relations with the man he would soon call “the greatest . . . in Japan.”

According to Kaishū, Ryōma was accompanied by Chiba Jūtarō on his first visit to Hikawa [Kaishū’s home]. Kaishū must have been forewarned by Shungaku. And it seems unlikely that the adept in Zen and kenjutsuwould have been taken off guard by the two younger and less experienced men. At any rate, Kaishū invited his visitors inside. Ryōma and Chiba would have had their two swords at their left hip. Ryōma, who according to a childhood friend “was of average height,” was much taller than Kaishū, who was only about five feet tall. And, of course, Kaishū would have been unarmed at home. “If you don’t like what I have to say, you should kill me,” he claimed to have told them. The two visitors, probably startled, followed Kaishū into the house. No doubt they were impressed by Kaishū’s pluck, although his tongue was certainly stuck in his cheek! According to Hirao, when the two swordsmen started to remove their swords as protocol demanded, Kaishū stopped them, perhaps to keep the upper hand. “It would be careless of you as samurai to take off your swords in these troubled times,” he reportedly said. Ryōma and Chiba were presently seated in the drawing room. “So, you’ve come to cut me down. Don’t try to hide it. I can see it in your eyes.”

Needless to say, Ryōma did not kill Kaishū. Instead, he listened closely as Kaishū discoursed on the state of the country and the world at large. Kaishū spoke of the futility of trying to defend against the foreign onslaught without a navy, for which Japan needed Western technology. He said that the navy must be a national effort, and not merely a force of the Tokugawa Bakufu. It must include capable young men from all the feudal domains, regardless of lineage, and not only the privileged sons of Tokugawa vassals. Such radical talk from the shōgun’s vice warship commissioner must have stunned the outlaw, who was captivated. Years later Kaishū wrote, “It was around midnight. After I had spoken incessantly about the reasons why we must have a [national] navy, [Ryōma], as if having understood, told me this: ‘I was resolved to kill you this evening, depending on what you had to say. But having heard you out, I am ashamed of myself.’” (It’s hard to believe that Ryōma actually spoke those words, and even if he did, that he meant them. But based on the fact that they were written down by Kaishū rather than reported in an interview, it is also hard to discount them. My only explanation is that Ryōma perhaps said those words to demonstrate to the Bakufu official, and even more importantly to his friend Chiba Jūtarō, his dedication to Imperial Loyalism.) “He told me that he wanted to become my student,” Kaishū wrote. Kaishū thought Ryōma to be “quite a man,” who “had a cool head, and a certain power about him that was hard to penetrate. He was a good man.” He readily accepted Ryōma’s request.

[The photo of Katsu Kaishu, taken just before surrender of Edo Castle in spring 1868, is used in Samurai Revolution courtesy of Yokohama Archives of History. (Katsu Kaishu is the “shogun’s last samurai” of Samurai Revolution.) The photo of Sakamoto Ryōma, taken at Nagasaki in 1866, is used in the book courtesy of Kochi Prefectural Museum of History.]


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Ambassador Kennedy’s Note About “Samurai Revolution”

This November 22 marks the 56th anniversary of the assassination of John F. Kennedy. I deeply admire JFK and his brother Robert F. Kennedy; and I have had a near lifelong fascination of the Kennedy clan. So when I sent a copy of Samurai Revolution to Caroline Kennedy, JFK’s daughter who was then the American ambassador to Japan, it was not without a certain feeling of awe and even affection. And I appreciated her consideration in sending along a thank you note as confirmation that she received the book.

“The heart of a samurai [must be] as solid as a rock.” Takechi Hanpeita

Takechi Hanpeita, the leader of the Tosa Loyalist Party who was determined to overthrow the Tokugawa Bakufu and restore Imperial rule, had languished in prison for nearly two years. On the 29th day of the Fifth Month of the Japanese year corresponding to 1865, he wrote to his wife from his squalid prison cell that “to lay down one’s life for one’s country or for one’s liege lord is true bushido.” Soon thereafter he was ordered to commit seppuku on the evening of the 11th day of the intercalary Fifth Month. Sentenced to die by his own hand based on trumped up charges of political crimes, he nonetheless took solace in the fact that he was at least given the honor of dying as a samurai, rather than be beheaded as a common criminal.“ [T]he heart of a samurai [must be] as solid as a rock,” he wrote. Now he would have the chance to live up to his words. His stunning seppuku, which he performed with such bravery that even his enemies witnessing the event “were left speechless,” is depicted in detail in Chapter 14 of Samurai Assassins.

[Takechi Hanpeita is the focus of Part II of Samurai Assassins. His self-portrait, which he produced in his prison cell, appears in Samurai Assassins courtesy of Kochi Prefectural Museum of History.]


 

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A Few Words On Bushido

[Following is a partially edited excerpt (without sources cited) from the first few pages of Chapter 8 (“A Brief Discussion on Bushido.”) of Samurai Revolution.]

Bushido, the way of the warrior, is a compelling subject in the study of samurai culture, and much has been written about its moral philosophy. Interpretations of its origins and even purpose vary, at times contradicting or even negating one another. For as Nitobe Inazo writes in his classic English-language treatise, bushido “[i]s not a written code,” but rather “consists of a few maxims handed down from mouth to mouth or coming from the pen of some well-known warrior or savant.” It is “a law written on the fleshly tablets of the heart . . . founded not on the creation of one brain, however able, or on the life of a single personage, however renowned.” Rather, bushido, its tenets seldom uttered, “was an organic growth of decades and centuries of military career.”

A samurai’s education during the Edo period (1603-1867) was based on Neo-Confucianism, which flourished under the Tokugawa Bakufu (the shogun’s government). It was intertwined with bushido, which, in turn, was inseparable from the way of the sword and the Buddhist teachings of Zen. Of the latter, Nitobe emphasizes its “sense of calm trust in Fate, a quiet submission to the inevitable, that stoic composure in sight of danger or calamity, that disdain of life and friendliness with death.” The samurai class, “a rough breed who made fighting their vocation,” is as old as the institution of feudalism in Japan, dating back to the twelfth century.

Bushido, however, is much younger, dating back only as far as the mid-Edo period, during the era of Genroku (1688-1704), a turning point in cultural history about a century after the founding of the Bakufu, when many of the warrior class lived relatively easy lives compared to their predecessors. Kaionji Chogoro, in his biographical treatment of Saigo Takamori, writes that the term bushido did not exist until then. During the peaceful Edo period many samurai became administrators—which is not to say, however, that they forgot the arts of war. As professional warriors who received stipends from their feudal lords, they were expected to answer the call to arms at any time. There is an old saying: “Ken wa hito nari” (“the sword is in the man”); and it was also said that there was no such thing as a samurai without a sword. Even as the samurai took up the pen, they were required to wear the two swords; and many of them practiced the martial arts—with the sword, with the spear, and on horseback.

Until the advent of bushido, writes Kaionji, the most important qualities in a samurai had been bravery, honor, and a strong masculine spirit, based on a set of values sometimes called “the way of the man.” Bravery naturally meant bravery in battle, begot of honor and strength of spirit. “The way of the man” worked just fine during the Age of Civil Wars preceding the Edo period, when a man’s worth was measured by his valor on the field of battle. However, since “the way of the man” lacked a strong underlying moral code, it came to be frowned upon as barbaric, and even immoral, during the peaceful, orderly, and more refined Edo period. The samurai required a new set of morals to replace the old. And so bushido derived as a combination of Confucianism and “the way of the man”—without the barbarism of the latter—and might be best defined as “the way of the gentleman.”

The eight virtues of Confucianism—benevolence, justice, loyalty, filial piety, decorum, wisdom, trust, and respect for elders—were incorporated into bushido. Most, if not all, of these qualities were also valued in “the way of the man,” but were not the measure of the man in the older system. And, of course, manly and warlike qualities were every bit as important in bushido as they had been in “the way of the man.” The most cherished values in bushido were courage—moral and physical—and loyalty to one’s feudal lord. Loyalty to one’s feudal lord, however, did not extend to one’s lord’s lord, i.e., the shogun. While the samurai of the Bakufu reserved all of their loyalty for the shogun, the samurai of Satsuma devoted their loyalty to the daimyo of Satsuma, the samurai of Choshu to the daimyo of Choshu, and so on. And a samurai was expected to demonstrate his loyalty through courage, even at the risk of his own life. The importance placed on courage and loyalty served a vital purpose: the preservation of order in feudal society. The samurai placed more importance on the welfare of their feudal lord than that of even their own families. Things changed, however, during the final years of Tokugawa rule, when many of the samurai began to devote their loyalty (and lives) to the Emperor. This, of course, led to the restoration of Imperial rule, which, in turn, brought about the end of feudalism and samurai society altogether—and with it, the demise of bushido.


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